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it was tried to be carried out. It was the model example of introducing in life free-market
principles. Bauman describes this phenomenon as it favored the illusion that the
market (economy) can replace civil society and political democracy.
What is specific for this revolution is that it had to be accomplished by
democratic means. As Harvey writes (2004) there has been a unique shift in this type
of revolution that demanded previous construction of political consent across the
population in order to win the elections. Basic condition of this revolution was in fact the
construction of political consent.
And now let me think over the problem of consent in democratic societies. First
of all I would like to present the term of 'consent without consent' introduced by
Giddings (Chomsky 1996). The 'consent without consent' is the basic action within
democratic societies enabling the political domination of elites. Noam Chomsky
believes that the present democratic systems are constructed on the assumption that
the society should be built on the principle of consent of the ruled people. This
principle concerns not only the current policy but also every possible actions conducted
by governments in the future. It is the issue in spite of appearances of old provenience
over which wondered David Hume (1987). He asks in his work Of the Origin of
Government pondering the problem of conditions of the holding of government over
people: how is it possible that so many allow to be governed by so few. It was quite
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unclear matter for him because as he showed, the real power always lies by the side
of the ruled . As he finds the explanation of this phenomenon turns out quite obvious
one-the government holds the power in support of controlling the opinion of ruled
nation.
This principle according to Hume (1987) apply to both authoritarian regimes and
the most democratic societies. Difference between them depends on that people's
government and democratic one has to take care and to control in higher degree over
the opinion of ruled society. Whereas the despotic government can in larger degree
use bare violence and physical force. We observe now the actions of governments
basing on both paradigms. The principle that is regulating the use of violence
becomes the rule of people's consent, which is in fact the only privilege of the people
as the right of expression of agreement in the forthcoming elections.
The problem appears when government is incorporating plans and ideas that
are not supported by majority. Then the principle of consent takes the form of 'consent
without consent' that consist in applying those unwanted plans in the name of the
people. Then the experts crowds are working acceptance of those decisions and the
agreement is produced in, what Chomsky (2000) calls, the factory of consent. That
factory assume the form of institution of Public Relations in the democratic societies.
The fact does not surprise that the PR came into being in the most democratic
country in world history.
The principle of 'consent without consent' became distinctly described by
contemporary to Hume Hutcheson. He writes (Hutcheson 2000) that the principle is not
violated even when the government introduces his plans rejected by the people that
later will accept what was done in its name. The principle motivated colonial domination
of Europe. Giddings devises his idea of 'consent without consent': If in later years, [the
conquered people] see and admit that the disputed relation was for the highest interest
it may be reasonably held that authority has been imposed with consent of the
governed (Hutcheson 2000, p. 231). The present version of this principle can be found
in actions of World's Policemen countries that are applying the logic mentioned above
in the face of threatening countries of new world order.
The 'consent without consent' is basic condition enabling the domination that
symptoms I described above. The very interesting point of view concerning the
conception of consent was presented by Gramsci in his work Prison Notebooks. He
discerns (1961) two forms of the state: first is the guardian state and the second is the
ethical one. First one employs the apparatus of repression achieving its aims; the
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second one, represents educational and formative attitude. The last one applies
production of consent in order to reach its aims. Gramsci believed that in times of
peace the state will be organized by uniting ideology; meanwhile in conditions of war
the apparatus of repression will be emphasized. I believe that con contemporarily the
function of such uniting ideology is fulfilled by free-market ideology that can be
identified with neoliberalism.
According to Gramsci (1961) the ideology settles down in grounds of general
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